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Section 14  Question 14 | Test | Table of Content Sue and Sue (1990) described barriers to effective cross-cultural counseling. These authors cited sources of conflict and misinterpretation in counseling that included class and culture-bound values; differences in verbal, emotional, and behavioral expressiveness; differences in cause-and-effect orientation; and differences in patterns of communication. The often discrepant attributional systems that culturally different clients and counselors bring to their interactions may constitute another such barrier. I propose that even with the best of intentions, cross-cultural interactions may fail because of the mechanisms underlying culturally mediated attributional differences. An understanding of these mechanisms and other potential sources of error can provide a basis for overcoming their often confounding effects. Many studies (see Albert, 1983) have found  attributional differences between samples of culturally different populations.  Albert (1983) cited validation studies involving intercultural sensitizers  constructed with different cultures including Thai, Greek, and African-American  target populations. She found that the intercultural sensitizer was effective  for imparting cultural information, for increasing the isomorphic attributions  of the culturally different trainees, and for facilitating interpersonal  relations between trainees and members of the target cultures. Salzman (1990),  in the empirically based and cross-validated construction of A Navajo  Intercultural Sensitizer, tested 56 reported critical incidents that occurred  between Navajo and Anglo (a White inhabitant of the United States of  non-Hispanic descent) school personnel, students, and community members. Of  these incidents, 46 yielded significantly different patterns of attributions  from Navajo and Anglo respondents. These incidents reflected cross-cultural  interactions that failed because they produced confusion, misunderstanding, or  conflict between Navajo and dominant culture people in a public school setting.  Leong and Kim (1991) described the development of an Asian-American  intercultural sensitizer. Similar findings with different populations indicate  the central role of attribution and misattribution in cross-cultural  interactions. The sources of attributional bias in cross-cultural counseling  relationships need to be understood and considered if such basic counseling  processes as rapport, accurate empathy, and mutual respect are to be  accomplished. This article reviews the literature relating to attributional  processes and explores sources of potential bias such as perception,  self-esteem maintenance, linguistic differences, ethnocentrism and other  sources of error that can negatively affect cross-cultural interactions.  Culture and Attributional Processes  Attributions are inferences about the causes of behavior. Heider (1958) indicated that humans are constantly engaged in the process of making inferences about observed behavior. We seek to explain the behaviors we observe by attributing motives to those who perform them in order to make our world predictable, understandable, and safer. Although the behaviors that are or are not performed in any interaction are important, it is the interpretations given to these behaviors that are critical (Albert & Triandis, 1979). A compliment can be interpreted as an attempt to manipulate, help can be seen as demeaning, and a gift can be seen as a bribe. These Interpretations have predictable behavioral consequences and may serve to define the nature of the interaction. Discrepant attributions have been found to result in misunderstandings, low personal attraction, rejection, and even conflict (Albert & Triandis, 1979; Salzman, 1990). It is thought that such discrepancies are more likely to occur in cross-cultural interactions because of differences in the norms, roles, values, and expectations each culture has developed in its adaptation to the rigors of life in its particular geographic, economic, and historical circumstances. Heider (1958) saw all people as behaving like naive  scientists who are constantly engaged in making inferences about events and  observed behaviors by attributing causes and motives. Causal attributions,  then, answer the vital "why" questions about behaviors. They serve as  mediators between all the stimuli encountered in the world and the responses  made to these stimuli. Humans do not respond directly to the events around us;  we respond to the meanings or interpretations given to these events (Albert  & Triandis, 1979). A person's very survival is often dependent on the  accuracy of one's attribution of motive, cause, and meaning to a behavior or  event. Nonverbal behavior that precedes a probable physical attack must be  attributed accurately for an adequate response to occur. The attribution of  imminent threat needs to be accurate to avoid a self-fulfilling prophecy  situation in which the attributer engages in behaviors that may induce the  expected behavior from an individual who actually intends no harm. Cultures  condition humans to make adaptive attributions. We are conditioned by culture  through rewards and punishments to navigate adequately in our environments.  Furthermore, we are motivated to adhere to our cultural worldview because of  the important psychological functions it serves (Greenberg et al., 1992).  Culturally prescribed hero systems tell humans what to be and do for  individuals to achieve essential anxiety-buffering self-esteem (Becker 1962). Personal 
Reflection Exercise #7 Update Skinner-Dorkenoo, A. L., George, M., Wages, J. E., 3rd, Sánchez, S., & Perry, S. P. (2023). A systemic approach to the psychology of racial bias within individuals and society. Nature reviews psychology, 1–15. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1038/s44159-023-00190-z 
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